Introduction

On 28 January 2026, the Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs of France Jean-Noël Barrot and Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs Helen McEntee signed the first France-Ireland 2026-2030 Joint Strategic Framework (JSF). The JSF is intended to deepen relations between France – Ireland's closest EU neighbour – and Ireland.

The JSF comes amid a period of heightened security challenges for Europe, given Russia’s ongoing war against Ukraine, given the specific security challenges posed by the Irish Presidency of the Council of the EU in the second half of 2026, and as the Irish Defence Forces undergo a process of transformation following the publication of the Report of the Commission on the Defence Forces in 2022.

Notably, the agreement specifically seeks to expand Franco-Irish defence cooperation across a range of areas with respect to military training, education, cybersecurity, fighting disinformation, and maritime security.

This short contribution seeks to set out the current state of Franco-Irish defence cooperation as well as the changes envisioned under the JSF. The piece asks whether increased defence cooperation with the French Government under the framework of the JSF may jeopardise Ireland’s ability to independently develop its own long-term institutional defence capabilities. It is argued that these strategic dependencies may arise not because of the origin of the equipment being procured, or because of European partners providing defence assistance, but rather because decision-making processes and institutional expertise are being developed for the Irish context with limited input from the Irish government.

The Joint Strategic Framework (JSF)

The JSF consists of a Joint Strategic Framework and a Joint Action Plan that focus on three primary thematic pillars:

Pillar One: Partners for a More Competitive Europe

Pillar one calls for Franco-Irish cooperation for developing and implementing EU policies to overcome shared challenges. The Joint Action Plan commits to operationalising Pillar one through a series of dialogues and forums, as well as by deepening ties between the French and Irish Energy Ministries. Furthermore, it promotes Franco-Irish collaboration by identifying opportunities for partnership through what are dubbed Important Projects of Common European Interest (IPCEIs), integrated large-scale cross-border projects championed by Member States that aim to benefit the EU while remaining compliant with EU State aid rules.

Pillar Two: A Fair, Safe, and Sustainable Global Environment

Pillar two reaffirms the importance of the UN Charter, international law, and the climate crisis for both countries. The Joint Action Plan calls specifically for training and intelligence sharing between the Irish and French police forces, as well as the sharing of expertise on maritime security, cybersecurity, and more besides.  

Pillar Three: Culture, Civic Discourse and Connection

Pillar three emphasises the cultural links that exist between the two countries and calls for the expansion of cultural and civic exchanges through parliamentary visits, ongoing dialogue, and sporting events.

Why French Security Cooperation Matters to Ireland

As a militarily neutral country, Ireland has long relied upon cooperation with its neighbours for aspects of its security and defence. However, as has been well documented, decades of underinvestment in the Irish Defence Forces have resulted in military capability gaps between Ireland and its European and global peers.  Against this backdrop, the JSF represents a continuation of this defence cooperation during a period in which Ireland must manage the particular set of defence challenges that come alongside hosting the Irish Presidency of the Council of the EU.

The JSF in Context: The Current State of Franco-Irish Defence Cooperation

The Irish government has faced pressure from its American and European allies to boost its defence capabilities. Thus, Ireland has recently sourced a significant amount of military equipment from France. Recent acquisitions by the Irish Government through “government to government” agreements include a French “strategic reach” aircraft, and a €500m French military radar system. Minister McEntee has indicated that a counter-drone contract is likely to be completed with France before the end of 2026, and that Ireland will buy hundreds of armoured vehicles from France. French media has reported that this deal may cost the Irish state between €500 million and €1 billion. Beyond defence procurement, as above, Ireland has recently requested naval assistance from France and the United Kingdom in the context of the Irish Presidency of the Council of the EU.

These developments constitute a necessary investment in Ireland’s defence capabilities. However, this also raises questions about whether these procurement contracts are facilitating knowledge transfers and upskilling in the Irish Defence Forces with a view to enhancing Ireland’s long-term security and defence.

Does Franco-Irish Defence Cooperation Strengthen Irish Security or Create Overdependencies?

While defence cooperation presents significant opportunities to advance Franco-Irish relations, several unintended risks could emerge if Ireland does not proactively boost its domestic institutional capacity through this partnership.

Autonomy challenges

The French Direction Générale de l’Armement, the French Government's defence procurement and technology agency, is currently carrying out defence procurement on behalf of Ireland under the framework of Franco-Irish "government-to-government" agreements. This delegation of responsibility raises questions about whether Ireland’s defence expertise is being outsourced rather than being developed, and whether the JSF signals a continuation of this trend. It may thus risk creating a feedback loop whereby Ireland increases reliance on external partners, creating knowledge gaps that could impede the Irish State from autonomously developing its own long-term defence capabilities.

Legal Constraints arising from Defence Cooperation

Moreover, cooperation with European militaries can create legal and constitutional challenges for the State. When Ireland requested support from European powers to assist with patrolling Irish waters during high-level meetings of the Irish Presidency, the Irish Attorney General, Rossa Fanning, advised that the presence of foreign military forces deployed within the Irish territory on active operations could breach Article 15 of the Irish Constitution, which governs the deployment of foreign military forces in Ireland. To remain constitutional, the European warships had to stay outside of Irish territorial waters, 12 nautical miles from the coast.   

Furthermore, the Irish Defence Forces Rules of Engagement explicitly prevent foreign ships from taking lethal action against airborne threats over Irish soil, meaning that drones or missiles flying over Ireland could not be intercepted by foreign warships. To address this issue, the Irish Government placed an Irish naval officer on each European ship to authorise lethal action, should it become necessary.

These legal constraints might indicate that any future involvement of foreign states in the provision of security assistance that goes beyond the support provided during the Presidency is likely to face similar or additional legal barriers.

Opportunities for Ireland Created by the JSF

Notwithstanding the foregoing, there are several opportunities for Ireland to seize as the defence dimension of the JSF develops. Firstly, Ireland could request that knowledge transfer clauses be inserted in "government-to-government" agreements to ensure that Irish officials can develop skills and knowledge to build towards a more autonomous national long-term security strategy for the country. For each procurement contract, an official from the Irish Department of Defence could be required to be actively involved in contract negotiations carried out by the French Direction Générale de l’Armement. Every six months, the Secretary General of the Department of Defence could meet with their French counterpart to identify areas for further development and knowledge transfer.  To make this operational, Ireland’s lack of security clearance would have to be addressed to allow Irish officials to gain access to sensitive information.

Secondly, Ireland could seek to access the EU’s Security Action for Europe (SAFE) programme, the €150 billion European Union financial instrument designed to provide low-interest, long-maturity loans to help participating states fund urgent defence investments and joint military equipment purchases. Alternatively, the State could explore options with the European Defence Agency (EDA) alongside "government-to-government" agreements to boost joint defence procurement with European allies.

Pursuing these alternative procurement methods could give Ireland greater control over the procurement process than what might be currently possible under "government to government" procurement agreements. Simultaneously, joint procurement opportunities might allow Ireland to obtain economies of scale and to benefit from accelerated manufacturing timelines compared to what might be achievable by acting alone.  

Ireland Will Need Partners

Deepening relations with our closest EU neighbour makes a lot of sense for Ireland to provide for its security, with an Irish Times and Ipsos poll from 2023 indicating that among the 26% of voters who wish to change Ireland’s policy of military neutrality, 71% of these voters are in favour of joining a closer EU defence co-operation.

Moreover, Ireland currently lacks the expertise and a domestic defence industry to rapidly procure defence equipment and knowledge by itself. In keeping with the EU's competitiveness agenda, a mainstay of the Irish Presidency, buying European-made defence equipment could boost EU supply chains and innovation.

Conclusion

The JSF can be considered both an opportunity to develop institutional defence capacities and a potential source of overdependency for Ireland. The true impact of the agreement on Ireland’s defence context will depend in part on whether Ireland uses Franco-Irish defence cooperation as an opportunity to build its own domestic expertise and capacity or whether it results in Ireland becoming more reliant on France for its defence. If it chooses the former, Ireland could learn from French military expertise to independently develop a national long-term security strategy, increase its defence capabilities, and support local enterprises. If the Irish government chooses the other path, deeper cooperation may come at the cost of leaving Ireland vulnerable to long-term dependencies, ultimately undermining Ireland’s credibility in the international defence context.