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The 'Merkozy' Summit - Bad Politics, Bad Economics
17 Aug 2011Constitutional debt limits are an unwieldy and dangerous way to prevent debt crises. It is possible that Merkel and Sarkozy were so entertained by the recent US debt ceiling drama that they fancied importing it to play soon across a range of different European countries. It is more likely, however, that when debt limits are approached most governments will decide that passing a new higher constitutional debt limit (and taking whatever sanctions Brussels hands out as a result) is preferable to having to instantly cut a deficit to zero.
There is no single number that can be agreed on as representing a sensible ceiling for debt and the imposition of a common ceiling for debt-GDP ratios will likely provoke an outbreak of dubious off-balance sheet accounting and possibly further Greek-style fiddling of official debt statistics.
Whatever future debt-GDP ceiling is agreed, most Eurozone countries will currently be above this level of debt. So constitutional debt limits will need to have phase-in periods, the length of which would likely be negotiated with the European Commission. Ultimately, this will produce a clumsy legal process that won’t have any more credibility than the newly-revamped Stability and Growth Pact.
If passed, they will increase the tendency for pro-cyclical fiscal policy, with spending being cut and tax rates raised during recessions. These rules are a recipe for Europe’s next recession to be even worse than its last.
There are more lessons to be learned from the crisis than simply that countries 'issued too much debt'. The one-size-fits-all monetary policy of the ECB requires well-designed counter-cyclical fiscal policies at national level to ensure macroeconomic stability. It is true that during the good times prior to the financial crises, many Euro area states (such as Ireland) did not run sufficiently large surpluses. However, it does not follow at all from that criticism that Euro area countries should never run deficits, thus limiting the principal macroeconomic tool that their governments still have left to use.
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Posted in: E View Project, Economics and Finance | 4 comments
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Comments 1-4 of 4
Broadly speaking, I agree with your concerns. The proposed budgetary rules might increase pro-cyclicality. Nevertheless, I think that Germany and France are basically trying to express the same sentiment that is expressed in the Maastricht Treaty: that converging fiscal behavior would create similar economies (with similar monetary needs). Unfortunately, Germany and France were the first two countries to cheat that treaty! In any case, I think that they overlooked trying to converge the financial-regulatory architecture. That would have gone a long way towards preventing the current situation. After reading the BBC article on the matter however, I think that its not all bad. There are also some positive aspects. First of all, a sub-optimal attempt to address the fiscal situation is better than no movement at all on this front. Second, they want a Tobin tax. That would really dampen financial volatility and also make a decent source of revenue.
The letter sent by Sarkozy and Merkel to Barroso yesterday has been posted online here: http://media.ft.com/cms/1e93f294-c8df-11e0-a2c8-00144feabdc0.pdf
I largely argee: the proposals will do little to overcome the current crisis. Furthermore, I would agree that a constitutional ceiling on debt is not wise. I think it is wrong, however, to always focus on the negatives. It is easy to underestimate the magnitude of the political problem facing Europe. Down the years national politicians in all countries used the EU as a scapegoat when it suited. Big bad Eu making us cut payments to farmers, enact senseless environmental regulations, and so on. There has never been honest, consistent straight-forward communication with electorates on the pros and cons of European engagement at the big picture or for specific measures. This plus the failure to admit the necessity of deeper political integration as a counterpart to economic integration. The problem here is that the Eu doesn't have the political architecture to deal with this crisis, therefore the initiative has to come from the dominant nation states - Fr and Gr. But here too there are political reasons why some of the obvious solutions are difficult to pursue. It is no secret that there's a lack of statesmanship on the part of these powers, particularly I would say from Germany. The EU solution to this crisis can only evolve slowly because it needs to build a new toolset along the way - indeed it is really trying to modify its constitution as it goes along. This isn't a trivial exercise. Realistically, how can German voters be persuaded to take on Eurobonds? How will Britain react to proposals for further integration, even with opt outs for itself? In the end I do believe Germany and France 'will do whatever it takes' to preserve the Euro - because they have to.
The "Hotel California" comparison is spot-on. The way I see it: for a country to leave the Eurozone without killing its economy dead, it would have to be on a solid financial footing w.r.t. its EU neighbours. Only that way could they prevent a mass bank run and cash flight out of the country. However, if the country was able to get to that kind of solid state, they probably wouldn't need to consider leaving in the first place. The Euro didn't break countries like Greece & Ireland: it served to expose pre-existing structural problems, and (IMHO) the rest is mere detail!